Is There Any Oppression that is not Deliberate and by Design?


The icon of the struggle against oppression, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, passed away today December 5, 2013. As the South African President Jacob Zuma said, Although we knew that this day would come, nothing can diminish our sense of a profound and enduring loss. His tireless struggle for freedom earned him the respect of the world.

The death of Nelson Mandela should be an occasion, not only to mourn the loss of the person who epitomizes the success of overcoming oppression, but also to reflect on our own struggles against oppression, wherever it is and wherever and whoever we are.

While thinking about Mandela’s struggle against oppression, one question came to my mind: “Is there oppression that is not deliberate or by design?

The question came to my mind, perhaps because,  lately, I read two converging opinions on the nature oppression in Rwanda, coming from leaders from opposing sides: the Rwandan President General Paul Kagame and Dr. Gerald Gahima, one of his current staunch  opponents.

For Kagame: Oppression of Hutus is by Default, not by Design

In an interview by Jeffrey Gettleman,  the East Africa bureau chief for The New York Times, published in New York Times on September 4, 2013  under the title The Global Elite’s Favorite Strongman, Jeffrey Gettlemen wrote:

When I asked Kagame about this, he first tried to convince me that Tutsis actually don’t dominate politics or business. When I presented specifics: the health minister, defense minister, foreign minister and finance minister are all Tutsis, along with some of the richest men in the country, he acknowledged that Tutsis might enjoy a few advantages here and there, but this was “by default and not by design.” Many Tutsis like him had lived outside Rwanda, where there were more advantages. When I was openly skeptical, he finally said, “This Hutu and Tutsi thing, if you get lost in it,” he said, getting exasperated, “you get lost in the pettiness of the past of our history, and you end up in a mess.””

So, for General Paul Kagame, most of the Rwandan  top government  and  military positions are occupied by Tutsis. Most of the businesses are owned by Tutsis, and almost anything of value is dominated by Tutsis who represent, based on official statistics, close to 10% of the population, while 85% of the population,  the Hutus, remain in abject poverty, can hardly get a position within the government, are excluded from the military, the police, and from owning strategic businesses. For General Paul Kagame, it is by default, not by design. 


For Gerarld Gahima, Oppression of Hutus is not a Deliberate Policy

Then,  independent journalist Jennifer Fierberg published an interview she had with Gerald Gahima, a former leader of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front and  Rwandan Attorney General, before he was forced into exile by General Paul Kagame.

In the interview, Gerald Gahima said:  “Unfortunately, though, it is evident resources allocation and control of political power aligned. Poverty in Rwanda has an ethnic dimension. There is an imbalance of power toward Tutsi in Rwanda as well as economic inequalities. I do not agree that there is a deliberate policy to impoverish the Hutu people but there is no doubt that Hutu are discriminated against as well as marginalized in political representation.   Economic inequalities between rural and urban population are quite glaring. A disproportionate percentage of the urban population is typically Tutsi. Urban dwellers have better access to state provided services and a better quality of life where as rural communities, who are predominantly Hutu, live in abject poverty. Relatives of people in power get differential treatment over the children of peasants in terms of access to employment and business opportunities. This is not unique to Rwanda. It happens in democracies as well. There is a historic precedent of ethnic division of economic factors.


There are glaring problems with Gerald Gahima’s arguments. First, the arguments surprisingly support General Paul Kagame’s  premise of “ oppression  by default, not by design”.

For Gerald Gahima, because political power is aligned to Tutsis, then  it is normal that  riches and spoils go to Tutsis.  Since the Tutsis are mostly city dwellers, then they are richer.

Gerarld Gahima  later appears to contradict himself:  Hutus are systematically discriminated against, but there is no deliberate policy to impoverish the Hutu.   

Gahima’s argument begs a question: If Hutus are systematically excluded from all the positions of power, in the government, military, education, businesses, how is not this a deliberate policy of exclusion?

He adds that this is not unique to Rwanda. Granted. It was the same in South Africa’s Apartheid regime, America during slavery, Burundi during the Tutsi reign, and France during  the monarchy.

In Apartheid, the Blacks were excluded to Bantoustans, from government positions, businesses,  best schools, etc.  In Rwanda, Hutus are banned from residing in some areas in the cities, government positions, the military, from receiving grants or scholarship to study in the best schools or abroad. If that is not a deliberate policy, then what would it be called?

Incidentally, Gerald Gahima says that Tutsis were deliberately discriminated against under General Habyarimana’s and Gregory Kayibanda’s regime. 

This then raises another question: did Tutsis become city dwellers after the RPF took power, or were they also the richest under the previous  Hutu dominated regimes,  since they were also mostly city dwellers?

Oppression is Deliberate and by Design

My point here is not to single out Gerarld Gahima, not even expand the already inhumane divide among the Hutu and the Tutsi brothers and sisters.  Instead,  I would like to encourage everybody fighting oppression, in Rwanda or elsewhere, to free themselves from ethnic or group bias and shackles, and face  the reality surrounding oppression.  

Oppression is deliberate, regardless of who is the oppressor or the oppressed.  I believe that there is no such thing as oppression that is not by design. Oppression can only be based on a deliberate policy. In the pre and post independence Rwanda, any ethnic and political oppression could only be the policy of the ruling elite. Currently, the ruling elite appears to be from the Tutsi minority that is oppressing the Hutu majority and other Tutsis that dare to challenge the ruling elite.

Our concrete Proposition For Ending Oppression in Rwanda

Now, the question remains the following: how can we overcome this oppression, deliberately designed by the ruling minority? By following the example of  Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, after his liberation. Jacob Zuma summarized Mandela’s example very well while announcing the death of the icon: Let us commit ourselves to strive together — sparing neither strength nor courage — to build a united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous” Rwanda.


Memorandum On The Assassination of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana


by Felicien Kanyamibwa, Ph.D., MqBA.

       ©1999 Felicien Kanyamibwa.

     1. Introduction

    In April of 1994, the small, central African country of Rwanda broke out into an
uncontrollable civil war when hostile missiles shot down its president’s airplane. The
chaos that followed created headlines around the world throughout that summer. 

    The world was stunned by the violence perpetuated by what the media consistently referred to as normally peaceful people. Because the shooting of the plane was the trigger that spiraled Rwanda into chaos and civil war, in order to understand what happened, it is important to know who triggered these events, and why. However, there has been no investigation conducted by the UN to uncover the identity of the perpetuators of the sabotage of the presidential plane. In order to pursue peace and reconciliation in Rwanda, those who shot down the plane must be revealed and held accountable. 

     2. History 

    In order to understand the significance of the events surrounding the downing of
President Habyarimana’s airplane on April 6, 1994, it is crucial to have at least a
fundamental understanding of Rwanda’s history. Rwanda’s population traditionally
consisted of 85% Hutu, 10% Tutsi, and 5% Twa. For nearly four hundred years, Tutsis, members of the minority ethnic group, headed by a Mwami (king) ruled the majority of the Hutu ethnic group. The Hutus were treated as “peasants”, and did all of the manual work. Colonialists (Germany and later Belgium) accepted the status quo, and did not try to change the fundamental structure of Rwandan society. 
    In early fifties, Hutus began demanding a better representation in the governing institutions. This led subsequently to the 1959 social revolution which was accompanied by fighting between the two ethnic groups. Consequently, an estimated 100,000 Tutsis fled to neighboring countries including Burundi, Congo, Uganda, and Tanzania. 
    Bloodshed and violence was rampant during this period. In 1962, Rwanda became independent under their new president, Gregoire Kayibanda. The latter was member of the Hutu ethnic group. For the first time, Hutus were permitted to obtain secondary and post-secondary education.

    In 1973, a coup established Maj. Gen. Juvenal Habyarimana as the new president
Habyarimana who started a relatively peaceful era. Under his rule,Tutsis enjoyed peace and economical prosperity. It should be noted though, that Habyarimana did not allow those Tutsis who had fled during the wake of 1959 social revolution to return massively to Rwanda. The reason put forward was that the country was too small to accommodate such massive return. 
    In fact, Rwanda is one of the most overpopulated countries in the world. However, this created tension, and those exiled Tutsis felt, perhaps justifiably, that
they should have had the right to return to their homeland. Meanwhile within Rwanda, ordinary Hutus and Tutsis went to school together, went to church together, worked side and helped build up an infrastructure that was the envy of that whole region of Africa.
This account/essay covers the following points:

3. Climate – Spring 1994
3.1 Burundi
3.2 Uganda
3.3 Invasion of Rwanda
3.4 Assassinations in Rwanda
3.5 The Arusha Accord
3.6 Warning Signs
3.6.1 The RPF Battalion
3.6.2 The RPF and the air traffic Corridor
3.6.3 Meeting of the final preparation
3.6.4 Delay Tactics
3.6.5 Dallaire’s Question
3.6.6 Regional Summit of Heads of State on Burundi
4. The Missile Attack on President Habyalimana’s Plane
4.1 The Night of the Assassination
4.2 Different Reactions after the Assassination
4.2.1 Inside Rwanda
4.2.2 Rwandan Patriotic Front
4.2.3 UNAMIR
4.2.4 President Museveni and His Army
4.2.5 The Tanzanian Government
4.2.6 Government of Burundi
5. Regarding the Arsenals Used to Shoot Down the Plane
6. Possible Suspects
6.1 The Burundese Connection
6.2 The Moderate Opposition
6.3 Hutu “Extremists” from the Former Rwandan Government
6.4 The Rwandan Patriotic Front, with Assistance from its Foreign
6.4.1 Motive
6.4.2 The Plan to Remove Habyiramana
6.4.3 The Means to Shoot the Presidential Plane
7. The Investigation
7.1 The Interim Government
7.2 The RPF Government
7.3 The United Nations Organizations
7.4 Organization of African Unity
7.5 The Belgian Government
7.6 The French Government
7.7 The American Government
7.8 International Civil Aviation Organization
8. Call for an Independent Investigation
8.1 The Trigger Event of the Rwandan Tragedy
8.2 Need for Justice and Fairness
9. Conclusions


Rwanda: Do not politicize Memories, Honor and Rebuilding


 Usually, around this time I write a piece on a topic dear to my heart. As I was thinking about the compelling thoughts I should share,  I surprised myself:  I found myself  reading a speech by  General Paul Kagame of Rwanda.
      On April 7, 2013 he said in his speech: “In remembering, it is important that we comfort those who lost loved ones and were left orphans, widows and or without any family so that they are not overwhelmed by the immense sorrow. They need reassurance to give them the courage and hope to carry on.». 
    Yes, we have to remember, comfort, support and show our love to those who lost loved ones,  were stolen their joy to live a full life  and their sense of humanity by  the worst criminals. We owe our compassion to  our neighbors,  friends and compatriots who have been living with sorrow. It is our duty as Rwandans, but most importantly, as human beings to console, reassure, and look after each other
    Yes, in spite of everything I stand for, I  was intrigued by  General Kagame’s speech. On first impression, I thought General Paul Kagame had made an impressive step forward from his past speeches  that fueled  the demons of discord among the Rwandan people.

  Unfortunately,  I do not expect the speech to be  genuine and  General Kagame to match his actions to his words. Why? I have consistently and strongly disagreed with General Paul Kagame because through his speeches, policies, and actions, he led the Rwandan people to believe  that,  depending on their ethnic background, there are good orphans and widows, Tutsi,  who have the right to be comforted and supported and bad orphans and widows, Hutu,  who must be condemned, blamed, cast away and banned. The opening of his speech  is a clear indication that his usual message of discord has not evolved. General Paul Kagame’s speeches have thrown around the  neck of the Rwandan people the shackles of fear, division, and degeneracy.


Amazon Summary

Long ago, the people of Rwanda suffered through a terrible famine. The rains did not come to help the crops grow, the grass withered, and the soil became so dry that it cracked. The people looked to their village chiefs for guidance, but the chiefs could not help. They looked to the king, but he could not bring the rain. Only the magical tail of a mystical creature could save the kingdom. Maguru is Rwanda’s best hunter, even better than the king—and certainly better than his jealous village chief. He’s hunted the buffalo, the antelope, and the leopard, but he has never hunted the deadly imparambwe. To save his people, Maguru must now learn to outrun the wind and outwit a creature that can change shape in the wink of an eye. If he succeeds, he’ll be a hero. If he fails, his people will die of starvation. Maguru is determined not to fail.

Legs of Tornado

Legs of Tornado
Legs of Tornado - The Human Who Outran the Wind

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